Leonid Finberg
Ukrainian-Jewish Relations: Mythology Substituting For Reality
In the hierarchy of problems worrying citizens of Ukraine, inter-nationality
problems occupy 8th-10th place, following after other pressing social
problems such as the standard of living, unemployment, unpaid salaries
and pensions, anxiety caused by an increase in crime, etc. In their
turn, Ukrainian-Jewish relations are also not first in the hierarchy
of inter-nationality relations and nationality problems of the country.
There are the problems of the Crimean Tatars, strictly Ukrainian ethnic
problems, and a series of others. Nevertheless, this topic, burdened
by history, does not leave the pages of mass media and constantly attracts
the attention of politicians, historians, and publicists.
Well-known culturologist Hassan Husseinov has formulated the problem
in this way: “The `image of the other' affects the most important layers
of public self-consciousness. In the crisis moments of history, when
the cultural tradition conceived of by the people is undermined (as
is occurring today in post-Soviet countries), images of 'alien' cultures
– consciously or not – acquire specific meaning and weight during the
experience of the crisis and the subsequent reappraisal of national
and cultural identity”.
Ukrainian-Jewish relations as a subject of research consist of:
- inter-nationality relations, built up over centuries on the territory
of Rus-Ukraine;
- interstate relations between Ukraine and Israel;
- the relations between the larger Jewish and Ukrainian diasporic
communities-particularly in the USA, Canada, Germany, Latin America,
Australia, Poland, and a number of other countries.
While the relations between the diasporas and interstate contacts are
events of recent history, the experience of living together on the territory
of Rus-Ukraine goes back about 1000 years.
For various objective and subjective reasons, these relations have
rarely become a subject of professional academic study. One of the few
researchers of the topic, Ukrainian professor J. Dashkevich describes
the situation in the following way:
“For Ukrainian Soviet historiography the problem simply didn't exist...
A heavy if not oppressive impression is created by the texts of the
Ukrainian diaspora in this field”. (On my own behalf, I would add, that
perhaps the only exceptions are the works of the Ukrainian historian
from Canada Ivan Lysiak-Rudnitsky). Furthermore: “Jewish Soviet historiography
in eastern Ukraine ceased its existence at the beginning of the 1930s
with the liquidation (partly physical) of the Jewish historical-archaeological
commission of the Academy of Sciences of the Ukrainian SSR. In western
Ukraine, the Jewish historical sciences ceased in 1939. In modern
Israeli and Jewish diasporic historiography, themes connected with
the death, extermination, and persecution of Jews prevail”. According
to the calculations of Dashkevich, this period lasted 4 years, while
for more than 350 years, Jews and Ukrainians shared more or less normal
relations.
Today there is not even one serious historical work on the history
of Ukrainian Jews, written after the classical books of Dubnov and Hessen
at the beginning of the century.
With the history of Ukraine, the situation is a bit easier. The first
academic monographies which were not engaged politically began to appear
in the 1990s.
However, the necessity of comprehending Ukrainian-Jewish relations
is so great, that it cannot be put aside for decades and centuries.
Historians and philosophers, sociologists and publicists offer their
own models for understanding these relations. One of the more deserving
of attention is the model suggested by well-known Ukrainian philosopher
and publicist Miroslav Marinovich. “The Jewish and Ukrainian peoples
have differing models of survival”, he wrote in 1991. “Both models...
are incommensurable: Jews survive dispersrf among alien nations; Ukrainians
– in their own land... Life among alien and often hostile to one other
ethnic substrata has placed a heavy imperative in front of Jews: to
determine without any mistake who is strongest. A mistake could have
tragic consequences. The orientation to the interests of the strongest
side guaranteed Jewish survival within the terms set by the strongest.
As Ukrainians, throughout their history, more often than not have appeared
on the weaker side, it is understandable that in the people's consciousness
a stereotype emerged in which Jews were perceived as hostile to Ukrainian
national interests. . . To demand from Jews that they switch their loyalty
to the weaker side means to demand from them the impossible, i.e. to
deprive them of the basic conditions of survival”. And further: “The
best way to be on friendly terms with Jews is to become strong. And
in a strong Ukraine, Jews will find their place harmoniously...” We
will come back later to a discussion of the reality of the suggested
model.
Here we again cite a series of characteristics relating to Ukrainian-Jewish
relations.
In the history textbooks of schools in the USSR, on which several generations
of Soviet people over a span of 50 years were raised, there was no data
on the 1000 year history of the Jewish communities, or on the role of
Jews in the history of Rus-Russia-Ukraine. The one and only textbook
for institutions of higher education in Soviet period, in which the
Jewish community was still present in the history, was a textbook published
in 1939-40. These textbooks did not even comment on the catastrophe
of European Jewry. There was absolutely no mention of Jewish history
or culture either in “The Philosophical Encyclopaedia”, or in the encyclopaedia
of “The Art of Countries and Peoples of the World”, or in the three-volume
history of Kiev, or in any other authoritative publication of the Soviet
period. Ukrainian history in this same period was not much more enlightened.
The canonised Soviet textbooks shamelessly falsified this history: including
the absolutely antiscientific “theory” of the descent of Russians, Ukrainians,
and Byelorussians from one single nation and the total silence concerning
the hunger of 1932-33, and the falsification of the history of World
War II (not a word neither about the Ukrainian rebel army nor about
the millions of captive Ukrainians)...
It is very easy to continue this list. The following story is a good
illustration: In 1926, the trial of a group of Jewish public figures
on charges of Zionism ended with the verdict “exile to Palestine”. However,
already in 1946, when there remained neither Zionists nor autonomists
nor Jewish teachers nor even KGBists (who had obliterated the others),
the Academy of Sciences of Ukraine received an inquiry from the KGB
(from the new personnel): “What is 'Zionism'?”
From the cited data, it is completely obvious: Ukrainian-Jewish relations
for a long period of time (the lifetime of several generations) were
outside the framework of the social and humanitarian sciences, outside
the framework of serious interpretation. are these not the best conditions
for the generation and spread of myths?
At the Ukrainian-Jewish conference in 1991 in Kiev, Yevgen Swerstyuk,
a well-known human rights lawyer and now president of the “Pen-club”
of Ukraine, said: “Perhaps, it is the first time in our history that
the sons of Ukraine and the sons of Israel have met together to clean
out the Aegean stables. They have not been cleaned for centuries. Thus,
they have accumulated many tales about what was and what wasn't, legends
about enmity and terrible brutality, about the Jew with the keys to
the church and the Cossack-lyncher. In the place of the horse-shoe on
the doors of the stable hang stereotypes of the Jew-exploiter and the
Ukrainian-pogromist. The main point is that in the stable there is not
even one of the thousand facts of normal human cooperation between Ukrainians
and Jews...” And further: “In the Soviet period, an almost total plebeianization
of culture occurred: Who today knows the parables of Solomon or the
Commandments of Moses? But everyone knows well the anecdotes about Abram
and Moisha...”
But what should we clean in these stables, i.e. what kind of stereotypes
have accumulated over centuries? Can we change these stereotypes? Let
us focus in greater detail. I shall concentrate more on the mythology
of perceptions of Jewry, accenting the negative points.
Stereotypes in the perceptions of Jews (they are often not specifically
Ukrainian; the majority of them are common stereotypes of the eastern-European
world):
* treason and the crucifixion of Jesus Christ;
* the idea of the chosen people – the first idea of the superiority
of one nation over others in world history;
* Jews as accomplices of all the enemies of the Ukrainian nation
(Poles, Russians, etc.);
* Jewish domination in the world (capital, mass media, etc.);
* economic exploitation of non-Jews by Jews;
* Jewish blame for the creation of communist ideology and for the
innumerable victims of communist regimes;
* the Holocaust as a Zionist trick, a Zionist historical myth;
* Jewish blame for the economic pillage of the country during the
period of capitalisation on the one hand and for the slow pace of
capitalisation (socialism) on the other hand;
* USA as an Israeli colony ruled by the World Jewish Congress. Every
one of the above-listed stereotypes in the perception of Jews is variously
appearing intense and hundreds of publications of radical (often “rightist”,
but not so rarely “leftist”) mass media, distributed in books (for
the most part printed in Russia, but dispersed throughout Ukraine
as well)...
The selection of quotations of the columnist-Judophobe (anti-Semite)
from the newspaper “Çà ³ëüíó Óêðà¿íó”” begins in the following way:
“Hajim Srulievich Goldman – i.e. Vladimir Ilyich Lenin, zoologically
hated “goyem”. As soon as he became the absolute dictator of the
“Country of Fools”, this deeply conspiring, blood-thirsty Jewish Zionist
with piety began a massive extermination of people by means of class
terror, civil war, the organisation of famine...” “The most frightening
example of these relations,” wrote Hitler-Schicklgruber in “Mein Kampf”
about Ulianov-Lenin and his followers (bolsheviks) in order to worm
his way into the confidence of the German masses, “is Russia, where
Yids in their fanatic wildness exterminated 30 million people (in 1923),
having pitilessly slaughtered some and having left the others to the
inhumane tortures of famine, – and all this only to provide the dictatorship
with a small gang of Yidish literary men and exchange bandits”. (Chapter
XI).
At the end of the article, 16 questions are given. The author requests
for readers to send him answers, having promised to publish them.
1. Why in the Islamic and Buddhist worlds are Jews not allowed to rule,
but in the Christian world, wherever you look, Yids are everywhere?
...
2. Why in Ukraine did the Ukrainian Constitution take in form, content,
and spirit that of Yid-Masonry, in which not one word states that Ukraine
is a Christian state ...
11. Why in Israel is there only one synagogue, but in only the Lvovskii
region more then 50 religious confessions are registrated?..
12. Why in Israel are there no Ukrainian bankers but in Ukraine there
are none as well? ...
14. Why don't they trust Ukrainian Yids, but send them a rabbi from
abroad? ...
15. Why were some Yids removed in mass from western Ukraine to the
eastern regions of Russia before World War II, while others remained?”
The anti-Ukrainian myth of the nation-pogromist is based on both factual
and falsified history of the national liberation struggle: World War
II with its collaborators-“politsais”, the pogroms of the civil war,
the pogroms of Koliyivshina and Khmelnichina. Anti-Ukrainian mythology
adds to the list pre-revolutionary pogroms, the “Stolypin” pogrom of
the 1840s-50s, the interest-bearing rates of Khrushchev, and the anti-Semitic
politics of Brezhnev.
“Behind all contemporary myths is hidden one fundamental national trauma
from the time of Bogdan Khmelnitsky”, wrote Leonid Plushch. “After it,
arose the heresy of eastern-European Jews, i.e. sabbathianism, which
nearly led Judaism to a schism. This namely turned Khmelnichchina into
an omen of mystical punishment, apocalyptic evil... Khmelnichchina entered
into the religious subconscious of contemporary Judaism. Koliyivshina
lay upon this religious collective trauma and also brought about a religious
answer in the form of Hasidism. Every event that followed built upon
this deeply layered trauma”.
Both the Christ-killing Jew and the Ukrainian-pogromist have exited
out into the world and into religious consciousness, folklore, colloquial
language, and the meta-languages of Ukrainian and Jewish culture.
Anti-Ukrainian texts, spreading the corresponding stereotypes, are
going outside the borders of Ukraine. Their quantity and their measure
of influence on the Jewish communities of other countries may become
an object of study of academics from Israel, USA, Canada. For the time
being, as far as we know, they have not.
Attempts to change the stereotypes of historical distrust of one another,
Jews and Ukrainians, have been and are being undertaken by intellectuals
of both nations.
Vladimir (Zeyev) Zhabotinsky – one of a few Jewish leaders, knowing
well Ukrainian national problems, has published a number of brilliant
articles about Ukrainian spiritual leaders and about the inequality
and oppression of the Ukrainian nation.
Simon Petlura – Ukrainian leader during the period of the Ukrainian
People's Republic. He initiated the publication of a series of Judophilic
texts and attempted, through his role as commander of the army, to stop
the Jewish pogroms.
Metropolitan Andrey Sheptitsky – eminent Ukrainian spiritual leader
of the first half of the XXth century, one of a few higher hierarchies
of the church, who called for the rescue of Jews during World War II.
He and his companions-in-arms hid hundreds of Jewish children in the
monasteries of Galicia. It was he who saved the Chief Rabbi of Lvov
Meyer Kahane.
Samuel Michoels – ingenious Jewish actor and well-known public figure.
It was he who invited to work in the State Jewish Theatre the well-known
Ukrainian producer Les Kurbas, exiled from Ukraine.
Ivan Dzuba and Victor Nekrasov – well-known literary men, who publically
condemned the silence about the tragedy of Babi Yar and the anti-Semitism
of the Soviet era.
Actions of solidarity of the Ukrainian and Jewish societies in the
1980s-90s are also attempts to shatter the myths of anti-Semitism and
Ukrainophobia. I have in mind both the Appeal of RUKH against the rumours
dispersed by the KGB about possible pogroms and the Conference of Ukrainian-Jewish
solidarity in 1991...
But what is the influence of these people, of these and many other
actions, directed at overcoming the distrust, malevolence, and hostility
in the mass consciousness? Let us turn to sociologists for an answer.
Enmity of the Jews and of Jewry, based on negative stereotypes and
myths, is focused on in the studies of sociologists. First of all, I
should refer to my colleagues, the leading Ukrainian sociologists N.Panina
and H.Golovakha.
In table 5, we are given data reflecting the attitudes of the inhabitants
of Ukraine towards the representatives of different nationalities. The
first seven columns from the left reveal the percentage of respondents
agreeing to tolerate a representative of each given nationality at a
corresponding social distance. The last (8th) column displays the mean
arithmetic, according to the full line, i.e. the index of intolerance
towards a corresponding nationality.
Table 1 THE ATTITUDE OF THE IHABITANTS OF UKRAINE TOWARDS DIFFERENT
NATIONALITIES (data of 1992)
Agreement to accept representatives of a given nationality as ...
(% for all the respondents, N1752)
|
1
|
2
|
3
|
4
|
5
|
6
|
7
|
8
|
|
member of family
|
close friend
|
neighbours
|
colleagues at work
|
inhabitants of Ukraine
|
visitors of Ukraine
|
don't let in Ukraine generally
|
Index of enmity
|
Ukrainians
|
79
|
9
|
3
|
1
|
7
|
2
|
0
|
1.55
|
Russians
|
43
|
24
|
10
|
3
|
11
|
7
|
2
|
2.46
|
Poles
|
15
|
22
|
14
|
4
|
12
|
28
|
5
|
3.77
|
Jews
|
10
|
14
|
15
|
11
|
23
|
18
|
10
|
4.18
|
Crimean Tatars
|
3
|
6
|
9
|
5
|
31
|
29
|
17
|
5.09
|
The toleration of Jews is high, however. . .
Analogous data of the following years allows us to make conclusions
about the growth of intolerance in attitudes towards Jews and the growth
of tolerance towards Poles. Even more illustrative in the context of
our topic are other data collected by the same authors: 7% of respondents
of our inhabitants of Ukraine agree with the claim that there is a “world
Zionist conspiracy directed at the domination of Jews over other nations”
(25% don't agree with the claim, 68% found it difficult to reply), 10%
consider that “Jews are burdened with guilt before other nations” (47%
don't agree), 18% lay blame on the Jews for all calamities that have
brought revolution and mass repression (47% don't agree), 20% find that
Jews have a repulsive appearance, and more than one third (38%) think
that money and profits are more important for Jews then human relations.
Below are the results of a special survey of citizens and regional
leaders about their attitudes toward the national revival of Russians,
Jews, and Crimean Tatars.
Table 2 THE ATTITUDE OF REGIONAL LEADERS TOWARD THE DEVELOPMENT
OF NATIONAL SELF-GOVERNMENT OF RUSSIANS, JEWS AND CRIMEAN TATARS IN
UKRAINE (N450), %
Should they have their own
|
Russians
|
Jews
|
Crimean Tatars
|
yes
|
no
|
yes
|
no
|
yes
|
no
|
church, synagogue, mosque
|
92.1
|
7.9
|
91.2
|
8.8
|
91.4
|
7.6
|
schools
|
95.1
|
4.9
|
89.2
|
10.9
|
90.9
|
9.1
|
press in their language
|
94.6
|
5.4
|
89.8
|
10.2
|
91.4
|
8.6
|
representatives in elective organs of government
|
95.5
|
4.5
|
93.5
|
6.5
|
91.3
|
8.7
|
language officially recognised
|
67.0
|
33.0
|
46.3
|
53.7
|
50.4
|
49.6
|
institutions of culture
|
84.7
|
15.3
|
81.8
|
18.2
|
81.8
|
18.2
|
political parties
|
67.4
|
32.6
|
66.4
|
33.6
|
66.4
|
33.6
|
Table 3 THE ATTITUDE OF INHABITANTS OF UKRAINE TOWARDS JEWISH
ORGANISATIONS
How would you react if in Ukraine
|
Positive
|
Negative
|
Neutral
|
schools taught in the Jewish language opened
|
63.5
|
15.2
|
23.1
|
a synagogue was opened in your town
|
51.3
|
19.0
|
29.7
|
Jewish socio-political organisations acted
|
34.1
|
29.1
|
36.8
|
Jews, having left the country before, created joint ventures
here
|
50.8
|
16.0
|
33.2
|
The briefest commentary:
The measure of intolerance in the attitude towards Jews is sufficiently
high.
Characteristic of this attitude are the events linked with the name
of the former acting premier Yefim Zviagilsky (1995-96). He (like a
number of other public figures of Ukrainian independence) was accused
of corruption. Leaving to the courts the necessity to answer to what
extent the charges were substantiated, I focus attention on the readiness
of the society to accept the given stereotype:
A Jew wittingly cannot be a patriot of Ukraine, “he strives for profits
in spite of the interests of the Ukrainian people”. Certainly such was
the pathos of the majority of publications. And if in the liberal press
they were with an anti-Semitic taste, then in the nationalistic newspapers
an extensive anti-Semitic campaign was expanded.
What are the conclusions?
Those who enter here don't have hope.(“Abandon all hopes, those who
enter!”).
All the logic of the social being, all the dimensions of public consciousness,
seem to attest to the triumph of myth over reality.
Does it follow from this that nothing can be done? Absolutely not!
Something can be done. Something must be done.
However, if we want to remain realists, we must analyse well the myth
having accumulated a great history, having entered into the stereotypes
of behaviour, into the structure of speech, into the dogma of religion,
and the world-views and rational attitudes of intellectuals. Where can
one find a more fragile construction of human civilisation?
|